CHAPTER-20: Debates on the Future Strategy after Civil Disobedience Movement (Spectrum Modern History Rajiv Ahir notes for UPSC IAS Exam (Revision or Short Notes)

CHAPTER-20 ( Revision Notes)

Debates on the Future Strategy after Civil Disobedience Movement

 

• Following the withdrawal of the Civil Disobedience Movement, there was a two-stage debate on the future strategy of nationalists

1. The First Stage Debate-

• Three perspectives were as follows.

1. There should be constructive work on Gandhian lines.
2. There should be a constitutional struggle and participation in elections to the Central Legislature. They argued that:

• in a period of political apathy, elections and council work could be utilised to keep up the political interest and morale of the people;
• participation in elections and council work did not amount to faith in constitutional politics;
• another political front would help build up Congress and prepare the masses for the next phase;
• this approach would give the Congress a certain amount of prestige and confidence, and a strong presence in councils would serve as an equivalent to the movement.

1. A strong leftist trend within the Congress, represented by Nehru, was critical of both constructive work and council entry in place of the suspended civil disobedience movement as that would sidetrack political mass action and divert attention from the main issue of the struggle against colonialism.

• Nehru’s Vision-

1. Nehru said, “The basic goal before Indian people as before people of the world is abolition of capitalism and establishment of socialism.”

• Nehru’s Opposition to Struggle-Truce-Struggle Strategy

1. Congressmen led by Gandhi believed that a mass phase of movement (struggle phase) had to be followed by a phase of reprieve (truce phase) before the next stage of mass struggle could be taken up. The truce period, it was argued, would enable the masses to recoup their strength to fight and also give the government a chance to respond to the demands of the nationalists. This was the struggletruce- struggle or S-T-S strategy.
2. Against an S-T-S strategy, Nehru suggested a Struggle-Victory (S-V) strategy.

• Finally, Yes to Council Entry-

1. In May 1934, the All India Congress Committee (AICC) met at Patna to set up a Parliamentary Board to fight elections under the aegis of the Congress itself.
2. In the elections to the Central Legislative Assembly held in November 1934, the Congress captured 45 out of 75 seats reserved for Indians.
3. Government of India Act, 1935-

Amidst the struggle of 1932, the Third RTC was held in November, again without Congress participation. The discussions led to the formulation of the Act of 1935.

• Main Features-

1. An All India Federation-

• federation’s formation was conditional on the fulfilment of: (i) states with allotment of 52 seats in the proposed Council of States should agree to join the federation; and (ii) aggregate population of states in the above category should be 50 per cent of the total population of all Indian states.
• Since these conditions were not fulfilled the central government carried on upto 1946 as per the provisions of Government of India Act, 1919.

1. Federal Level:

• Executive

1. The governor-general was the pivot of the entire Constitution.
2. Subjects to be administered were divided into reserved and transferred subjects.
3. Governor-general could act in his individual judgement in the discharge of his special responsibilities for the security and tranquillity of India.

• Legislature

1. bicameral legislature was to have an upper house (Council of States) and a lower house (Federal Assembly). The Council of States was to be a 260-member House. The Federal Assembly was to be a 375-member house
2. Oddly enough, election to the Council of States was direct and that to the Federal Assembly, indirect
3. Council of States was to be a permanent body with one-third members retiring every third year. The duration of the assembly was to be 5 years.
4. three lists for legislation purposes were to be federal, provincial and concurrent.
5. Members of Federal Assembly could move a vote of no-confidence against ministers. Council of States could not move a vote of no-confidence.
6. system of religion-based and class-based electorates was further extended.
7. 80 per cent of the budget was non-votable.
8. Governor-general had residuary powers.
9. Provincial Autonomy

• Provincial autonomy replaced dyarchy.
• Provinces were granted autonomy and separate legal identity.
• Provinces were freed from “the superintendence, direction” of the secretary of state and governor-general. Provinces henceforth derived their legal authority directly from the British Crown.
• Provinces were given independent financial powers and resources. Provincial governments could borrow money on their own security.
• Executive

1. Governor was to be the Crown’s nominee and representative to exercise authority on the king’s behalf in a province.
2. Governor was to have special powers regarding minorities, rights of civil servants, law and order, British business interests, partially excluded areas, princely states, etc.
3. Governor could take over and indefinitely run administration.

• Legislature

1. Separate electorates based on Communal Award were to be made operational. All members were to be directly elected. Franchise was extended; women got the right on the same basis as men.
2. Ministers were to administer all provincial subjects in a council of ministers headed by a premier.
3. Ministers were made answerable to and removable by the adverse vote of the legislature.
4. Provincial legislature could legislate on subjects in provincial and concurrent lists.
5. 40 per cent of the budget was still not votable.
6. Governor could (a) refuse assent to a bill, (b) promulgate ordinances, (c) enact governor’s Acts.

• Evaluation of the Act

1. Numerous ‘safeguards’ and ‘special responsibilities’ of the governor-general worked as brakes in the proper functioning of the Act.
2. In provinces, the governor still had extensive powers.
3. The Act enfranchised 14 per cent of British Indian population.
4. extension of the system of communal electorates and representation of various interests promoted separatist tendencies which culminated in partition of India.
5. The Act provided a rigid constitution with no possibility of internal growth. Right of amendment was reserved with the British Parliament.

• The Long-Term British Strategy

1. Suppression could only be a short-term tactic. In the long run, the strategy was to weaken the national movement and integrate large segments of the movement into colonial, constitutional and administrative structure.
2. Reforms would revive the political standing of constitutionalist liberals and moderates who had lost public support during the Civil Disobedience Movement.
3. Repression earlier and reforms now would convince a large section of Congressmen of the ineffectiveness of an extra-legal struggle.
4. Once Congressmen tasted power, they would be reluctant to go back to politics of sacrifice.
5. Reforms could be used to create dissensions within Congress—right wing to be placated through constitutional concessions and radical leftists to be crushed through police measures.
6. Provincial autonomy would create powerful provincial leaders who would gradually become autonomous centres of political power.

• Nationalists’ Response-The 1935 Act was condemned by nearly all sections and unanimously rejected by the Congress.
• The Second Stage Debate-
• Divided Opinion-

1. Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhash Bose, and Congress socialists and communists were opposed to office acceptance and thereby in the working of the 1935 Act because they argued that it would negate the rejection of the Act by the nationalists.
2. As a counter-strategy, the leftists proposed entry into the councils with an aim to create deadlocks, thus making the working of the Act impossible
3. proponents of office acceptance argued that they were equally committed to combating the 1935 Act, but work in legislatures was to be only a short-term tactic

• Gandhi’s Position-

1. Gandhi opposed office acceptance in the CWC meetings but by the beginning of 1936, he was willing to give a trial to the formation of Congress ministries.
2. In February 1937, elections to the provincial assemblies were held.
3. Elections were held in eleven provinces—Madras, Central Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, United Provinces, Bombay Presidency, Assam, NWFP, Bengal, Punjab and Sindh.

• Congress Manifesto for Elections-The Congress manifesto reaffirmed total rejection of the 1935 Act.
• Congress’ Performance-
  1. Congress won 716 out of 1,161 seats it contested. It got a majority in all provinces, except in Bengal, Assam, Punjab, Sindh and the NWFP